By: Rowan Wolf at Uncommon Thought Journal
This article is under a "fair use" Creative Commons license
It seems that with each day the scope of the abuse and torture at Abu Ghraib prison expands. This leads to the perception that there is "new" information, and that investigators are "on the job." The reality is that there is a very judicious release of selected information from Taguba's investigation.
The news reports would lead one to believe that only Abu Ghraib was investigated, and that is the only site of abuse and torture. The reality is that Taguba did not confine his investigation to Abu Ghraib Prison, and that there was abuse, torture and deaths of detainees in custody across Iraq's US prison and detention facilities. I would strongly urge everyone to read MG Taguba's report - Article 15-6 Investigation of the 800th Military Police Brigade.
There is spinning and twisting going on the create a certain picture and legitimate that picture. There is the attempt to label Abu Ghraib as an isolated incident, where abuse, torture, and murder of detainees was perhaps a justifiable event. There is every effort to keep the blame as low in the chain of command as possible - certainly not above the MP command directly present in Tier 1A of Abu Ghraib.
Meanwhile an interesting twist is happening in the news. The killing and mutilation of four US contractors in Falluja is starting to consistently be mentioned within discussions of the events of Abu Ghraib. The death and mutilation of these contractors is also cited as the justification for the retaliation of US forces in the "Siege of Falluja." What is bizarre, is that increasingly (since the release of the photos) I am hearing these contractors referred to as "serviceman." In other words, they are shifting from being private contractors to US troops. Second, the riot in Falluja came well after the events at Abu Ghraib.
It seems difficult to not assume that there is a process of obfuscation and legitimation occurring - not just from the military and administration, but with the unquestioning collusion of the US corporate press. Not once have I heard a interviewer or host challenge either the calling of contractors "servicemen", nor what that has to do with the abuse and torture of detainees. In fact, increasingly it is the interviewers who are making these statements and arguments.
There are many unanswered questions, and increasing amounts of evidence, that the use of abuse and torture is common and approved - not isolated and depraved. Let's start with the chain of command.
Chain of Command
There are attempts from the military and the media to paint the incidences at Abu Ghraib as confined to a few soldiers who acted "badly" under poor conditions, under-staffing, and lack of command oversight and training. While the conditions are likely accurate, that distracts from the larger picture, and does not place those actions within the framework of the broader conditions - the direct effect of decisions and policies from (at least) Rumsfeld down. We are told that these handful are likely to be punished under military law and that justice will prevail.
In a similar high profile incident from Vietnam - My Lai - was laid at the feet of Lieutenant William Calley. That is where the responsibility stopped. Calley was sentenced to serve 20 years in prison. He eventually served three and half years and then was parolled and pardoned in 1975 by NIxon (The My Lai Courts-Martial - 1970). Likewise, every effort seems to stop the investigation of abuse and torture with 6 - 13 soldiers at Abu Ghraib prison. As with My Lai, this is much bigger than that. Likewise, if court martialed, they may see themselves parolled in a relatively short time. Those in command up to the level of Karpiski will likely recieve a reprimand, and those above her will not even be mentioned. Regardless, none of these addresses the broader issue of authority and creation of climate for such atrocities to occur.
With Rumsfeld running from committee hearing to committee hearing, one is hearing the question of what is the chain of command in relationship to the events at Abu Ghraib. While that would seem to be a straightforward question, it has yet to receive an answer. At least part of that information is very easy to get to. According to the Taguba report, BG Karpinski was in charge of the 800th MP Brigade.
The orders for at least one "Assessment" and two investigations were ordered by Lt, General Sanchez (commander of Joint Task Force 7), and that request went to the Commander of US Central Command. That would be General John Abizaid. According to About CENTCOM - United States Central Command, General John Abizaid is the Commander, US Central Command "USCENTCOM's Commander, Gen. John Abizaid, reports directly to the Secretary of Defense, who in turn, reports to the President of the United States." So in terms of top chain of command we have the following line:
Karpinski ---> Sanchez ----> Abizaid -----> Rumsfeld -----> President Bush
While Rumsfeld claims to not have read Taguba's report, he had heard about the problems. President Bush claims to have never gotten any information at all until he saw it on TV.
Meanwhile, General Myers is the Chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and serves as a direct military adviser to Rumsfeld, Bush, and the National Security Council (U.S. Military Chain of Command). General Myers specifically requested that CBS delay releasing its report and pictures on 60 Minutes II. One assumes that he advised Rumsfeld of this. Unless this is just a common thing that happens (a claim denied by both Myers and Rumsfeld in their responses to both House and Senate Committees) it seems that this would also have been reported (and discussed) in the National Security Council. The National Security Council consists of the following members:
President, Vice-President, Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, CIA, Secretary of the Treasury, U.S. representative to the United Nations, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, the President's Chief of Staff. Further, the Attorney General and the Director of the Office of National Drug Control policy attend meetings pertaining to their jurisdiction. If appropriate, other officials are invited.
The question of the Military Intelligence chain of command is more difficult to get a handle on, as is the command structure for the CIA in this situation.
All of this is pertinent because one MP from the accused group reported "members of her military police unit took direction from Army military intelligence officers, from CIA operatives and from civilian contractors who conducted interrogations." (5/08/04 Spinner, Wa. Post). This is supported by Taguba's report.
These contractors were under a contract issued by the Department of Defense (Private Contractors and Torture at Abu Ghraib, Iraq).
Abu Ghraib and Where else?
All the information and reports currently coming to public attention point to a broad and systemic use (and approval) of abuse and torture of those held in US custody. According to Taguba, his investigation focused on the 800th, and in Iraq they were responsible for Camp Bucca, Camp Ashraf, Abu Ghraib, and the High Value Detainee (HVD) Complex/Camp Cropper. There were concerns about all of the facilities, and Taguba notes that "In May 2003 four soldiers from the brigade had been formally charged with detainee abuse at Camp Bucca." The Red Cross Saw 'Widespread Abuse' in Iraq - WSJ ( this report has not yet been made public). The former Iraqi Coalition Provisonal AuthorityHuman Rights Secretary raised wide concerns with Bremmer in November of 2003, but there was no response (Bremer 'knew of abuse in November'). Returning soldiers claim that "it is a common thing to abuse prisoners," and that troops were forewarned of investigations so they could hide or destroy and contraband (5/07/04 Tanner, Reuters, Soldiers Back in U.S. Tell of More Iraqi Abuses).
So as Rumsfeld claims that there is "more to come," reports from Taguba, to the Red Cross, to the Iraqi head of Human Rights, to soldier reports,the above reports seem to indicate a widespread pattern that might border on common practice.
These reports raise questions about detainees being held at Guantanamo as MG Miller (Commander, Joint Task Force Guantanamo (JTF-GTMO) did a formal assessment ("Assessment of DoD Counter-Terrorism Interrogation and Detention Operations in Iraq") which covered the period from 8/31 to 9/9/03. Taguba's report notes that Miller specifically recommended putting the MPs under Military Intelligence command and having their active participation in preparing detainees for interrogation. He also condemns this practice as " not doctrinally sound due to the different missions and agendas assigned to each of these respective specialties."
MG Miller, who came from assignment in Guantanamo, stated in his Assessment; the guard force be placed under the Intelligence command, and that “it is essential that the guard force be actively engaged in setting the conditions for successful exploitation of the internees.” (Taguba). As noted above, Taguba clearly feels that this is not "doctrinally sound," as it makes MPs responsible for conflicting duties in relationships to those under their control. One can assume, that a similar practice is used at Guantanamo.
A BIG Red Flag
Taguba reports "ghost detainees." These are detainees that are not registered into the system. These "ghost detainees" were moved around to hide them from investigators.
When I read this phrase, the hairs on the back of my neck went up. The possibility for abuse is huge, and the fact they were hidden from investigators makes that abuse a significant likelihood.
While the military, did not release lists (as they promised they would) of who was held in detention at various facilities, there is at least internal documentation of them. The "ghost detainees" have no such documentation. These are individuals held and interrogated "off the books." While from the public's perspective (Iraqi, US, and global) most of those held were "disappeared," the "ghost detainees" were truly disappeared. I am sure that there are secret records of these people.
In my opinion, finding out who they are and what happened to them is one of the most important areas that any investigation should explore. It is among these individuals that the most significant damages are likely to have occurred. Also, since these detainees were part of the activities of the MPs, they link closely to the heart of the problem.
Accountability
There are significant questions about accountability for the systematic abuse and torture of people held by US forces and agencies. The administration took a clear stand that the "detainees" from Afghanistan being held at Guantanamo and elsewhere are not subject to the Geneva Convention. It seems not coincidental that the people held in Iraq (and other US facilities in the region) are called "detainees." The terminology is carefully crafted to fit legal requirements. The US also withdrew itself from its agreement to abide by the International War Crimes Tribunal, and has actively pressured for exemptions from human rights violations covered under international (and US) law.
The use of private contractors who are not subject to military, civilian, or US law raises the question of whether they were specifically chosen for this reason.
All of the claims of horror and justice aside, the US has placed those in its control beyond the pale of most prosecution. The claims of soldiers not being instructed in the Geneva Convention are a smoke screen when the administration and the Secretary of Defense have made their postures clear in this regard - the rules do not apply.
Conclusion
Taguba found:
"That between October and December 2003, at the Abu Ghraib Confinement Facility (BCCF), numerous incidents of sadistic, blatant, and wanton criminal abuses were inflicted on several detainees. This systemic and illegal abuse of detainees was intentionally perpetrated by several members of the military police guard force (372nd Military Police Company, 320thMilitary Police Battalion, 800th MP Brigade), in Tier (section) 1-A of the Abu Ghraib Prison (BCCF)."
Are we to presume that the interrogations themselves were any less brutal than the "softening up?"
Given the conditions established, the chain of command, the actions of the US in relationship to seeking protection and exemption from prosecution, it seems much more likely that abuse and torture is a standard procedure not limited to a "few bad eggs."
This is reinforced by the chain of command and their responses to the various reports and investigations - they were let slide. While every indication is of widespread problems, little if anything was done to change the situation - at Abu Ghraib or any place else. Further, if testimony is to be believed, did it occur to either General Myers or Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld, to advise either the COngressional Committees with oversight, nor the President, the NSC, or anyone else. One has to assume that they didn't think these issues were a "problem."
Even when they knew that 60 Minutes II was going to release the images and report on Abu Ghraib, they did not mention this problem to those with oversight or to the President. This indicates to me, that they didn't classify abuse and torture as a "big deal." If they don't, what message does that send to those below them?
It appears that the US public is being "softened up" to see abuse and torture as a natural consequence of conditions in US combat theaters, and that it is legitimate retaliation for the control of "hostile" populations (anyone the US claims as an "enemy").
How wide does the US use of abuse and torture go? From all the evidence I see at this point, it is endemic. "More to come" is an understatement.
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Sources and Other Pertinent Articles
Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba, Article 15-6 Investigation of the 800th Military Police Brigade (emphases mine).
"That the Commander, 205th Military Intelligence Brigade, was designated by CJTF-7 as the Commander of FOB Abu Ghraib (BCCF) effective 19 November 2003. That the 205th MI Brigade conducts operational and strategic interrogations for CJTF-7. That from 19 November 2003 until Transfer of Authority (TOA) on 6 February 2004, COL Thomas M. Pappas was the Commander of the 205th MI Brigade and the Commander of FOB Abu Ghraib (BCCF)"
.....
"I find that contrary to the provision of AR 190-8, and the findings found in MG Ryder’s Report, Military Intelligence (MI) interrogators and Other US Government Agency’s (OGA) interrogators actively requested that MP guards set physical and mental conditions for favorable interrogation of witnesses. Contrary to the findings of MG Ryder’s Report, I find that personnel assigned to the 372ndMP Company, 800th MP Brigade were directed to change facility procedures to “set the conditions” for MI interrogations. I find no direct evidence that MP personnel actually participated in those MI interrogations."
"Although not supported by BG Karpinski, FRAGO 1108 made all of the MP units at Abu Ghraib TACON to the Commander, 205th MI Brigade. This effectively made an MI Officer, rather than an MP Officer, responsible for the MP units conducting detainee operations at that facility. This is not doctrinally sound due to the different missions and agendas assigned to each of these respective specialties. (ANNEX 31)"
5/08/04 Spinner, Wa. Post, Soldier: Unit's Role Was to Break Down Prisoners
5/07/04 Chatterjee & Thompson, CorpWatch, Private Contractors and Torture at Abu Ghraib, Iraq
5/07/04 Tanner, Reuters, Soldiers Back in U.S. Tell of More Iraqi Abuses
"ANTIOCH, California - Three U.S. military policemen who served at Baghdad's Abu Ghraib prison said on Thursday they had witnessed unreported cases of prisoner abuse and that the practice against Iraqis was commonplace.
"It is a common thing to abuse prisoners," said Sgt. Mike Sindar, 25, a National Guardsman with the 870th Military Police Company based in the San Francisco Bay area. "I saw beatings all the time.
"A lot of people had so much pent-up anger, so much aggression.""
" When military investigators were looking into abuses several months ago, they gave U.S. guards a week's notice before inspecting their possessions, several soldiers said.
"That shows you how lax they are about discipline. 'We are going to look for contraband in here, so hint, hint, get rid of the stuff,' that's the way things work in the Guard," Leal said. "
5/07/04 WSJ, Red Cross Saw 'Widespread Abuse' in Iraq - WSJ
5/07/04 Borger, Guardian/UK, 'Cooks and Drivers Were Working as Interrogators'
5/06/04 Johnston & Lewis, NYT, U.S. Examines Role of C.I.A. and Employees in Iraq Deaths
5/05/04 FAS Project on Government SecrecyTorture Report many have Broken Classification Rules
5/05/04 Graham & Babington, Wa. Post, Probes of Detainee Deaths Reported
5/04/04 News.com.au, Bremer 'knew of abuse in November'
" FORMER Iraqi human rights minister Abdel Basset Turki said today US overseer Paul Bremer knew in November that Iraqi prisoners were being abused in US detention centres.
"In November I talked to Mr Bremer about human rights violations in general and in jails in particular. He listened but there was no answer. At the first meeting, I asked to be allowed to visit the security prisoners, but I failed," Turki said."
About CENTCOM - United States Central Command
U.S. Military Chain of Command - Fox News